
Posted by Joe on 2/8/2006, 10:01 pm, in reply to "Re: You've heard it all before so here it is again" --Previous Message--
68.76.86.21
Funny Ron, the so called public opinion was a minority of big mouths supported entirely by the media. If you feel college kids and talking heads in the media are mainstream public opinion go for it.
: Yeah, it is so true, that is the biggest
: weakness of Democracy. The elected leaders
: are subject to public opinion.
:
: --Previous Message--
: Interview of Bui Tin conducted by Stephen
: Young
: "How North Vietnam Won the War,"
: Wall Street Journal, August 3, 1995, page -
: A8
:
:
: What did the North Vietnamese leadership
: think of the American antiwar movement?
:
:
: What was the purpose of the Tet Offensive?
:
:
: How could the U.S. have been more successful
: in fighting the Vietnam War?
:
:
: Bui Tin, a former colonel in the North
: Vietnamese army, answers these questions in
: the following excerpts from an interview
: conducted by Stephen Young, a Minnesota
: attorney and human-rights activist.
:
:
: Bui Tin, who served on the general staff of
: North Vietnam's army, received the
: unconditional surrender of South Vietnam on
: April 30, 1975.
:
:
: He later became editor of the People's
: Daily, the official newspaper of Vietnam. He
: now lives in Paris, where he immigrated
: after becoming disillusioned with the fruits
: of Vietnamese communism.
:
:
: Question: How did Hanoi intend to defeat the
: Americans?
:
:
: Answer: By fighting a long war which would
: break their will to help South Vietnam. Ho
: Chi Minh said, "We don't need to win
: military victories, we only need to hit them
: until they give up and get out."
:
:
: Q: Was the American antiwar movement
: important to Hanoi's victory?
:
:
: A: It was essential to our strategy. Support
: of the war from our rear was completely
: secure while the American rear was
: vulnerable. Every day our leadership would
: listen to world news over the radio at 9
: a.m. to follow the growth of the American
: antiwar movement. Visits to Hanoi by people
: like Jane Fonda, and former Attorney General
: Ramsey Clark and ministers gave us
: confidence that we should hold on in the
: face of battlefield reverses. We were elated
: when Jane Fonda, wearing a red Vietnamese
: dress, said at a press conference that she
: was ashamed of American actions in the war
: and that she would struggle along with us.
:
:
: Q: Did the Politburo pay attention to these
: visits?
:
:
: A: Keenly.
:
:
: Q: Why?
:
:
: A: Those people represented the conscience
: of America. The conscience of America was
: part of its war-making capability, and we
: were turning that power in our favor.
: America lost because of its democracy;
: through dissent and protest it lost the
: ability to mobilize a will to win.
:
:
: Q: How could the Americans have won the war?
:
:
: A: Cut the Ho Chi Minh trail inside Laos. If
: Johnson had granted [Gen. William]
: Westmoreland's requests to enter Laos and
: block the Ho Chi Minh trail, Hanoi could not
: have won the war.
:
:
: Q: Anything else?
:
:
: A: Train South Vietnam's generals. The
: junior South Vietnamese officers were good,
: competent and courageous, but the commanding
: general officers were inept.
: Q: Did Hanoi expect that the National
: Liberation Front would win power in South
: Vietnam?
:
:
: A: No. Gen. [Vo Nguyen] Giap [commander of
: the North Vietnamese army] believed that
: guerrilla warfare was important but not
: sufficient for victory. Regular military
: divisions with artillery and armor would be
: needed. The Chinese believed in fighting
: only with guerrillas, but we had a different
: approach. The Chinese were reluctant to help
: us. Soviet aid made the war possible. Le
: Duan [secretary general of the Vietnamese
: Communist Party] once told Mao Tse-tung that
: if you help us, we are sure to win; if you
: don't, we will still win, but we will have
: to sacrifice one or two million more
: soldiers to do so.
:
:
: Q: Was the National Liberation Front an
: independent political movement of South
: Vietnamese?
:
:
: A: No. It was set up by our Communist Party
: to implement a decision of the Third Party
: Congress of September 1960. We always said
: there was only one party, only one army in
: the war to liberate the South and unify the
: nation. At all times there was only one
: party commissar in command of the South.
:
:
: Q: Why was the Ho Chi Minh trail so
: important?
:
:
: A: It was the only way to bring sufficient
: military power to bear on the fighting in
: the South. Building and maintaining the
: trail was a huge effort, involving tens of
: thousands of soldiers, drivers, repair
: teams, medical stations, communication
: units.
: Q: What of American bombing of the Ho Chi
: Minh trail?
:
:
: A: Not very effective. Our operations were
: never compromised by attacks on the trail.
: At times, accurate B-52 strikes would cause
: real damage, but we put so much in at the
: top of the trail that enough men and weapons
: to prolong the war always came out the
: bottom. Bombing by smaller planes rarely hit
: significant targets.
:
:
: Q: What of American bombing of North
: Vietnam?
:
:
: A: If all the bombing had been concentrated
: at one time, it would have hurt our efforts.
: But the bombing was expanded in slow stages
: under Johnson and it didn't worry us. We had
: plenty of times to prepare alternative
: routes and facilities. We always had
: stockpiles of rice ready to feed the people
: for months if a harvest were damaged. The
: Soviets bought rice from Thailand for us.
:
:
: Q: What was the purpose of the 1968 Tet
: Offensive?
:
:
: A: To relieve the pressure Gen. Westmoreland
: was putting on us in late 1966 and 1967 and
: to weaken American resolve during a
: presidential election year.
:
:
: Q: What about Gen. Westmoreland's strategy
: and tactics caused you concern?
:
:
: A: Our senior commander in the South, Gen.
: Nguyen Chi Thanh, knew that we were losing
: base areas, control of the rural population
: and that his main forces were being pushed
: out to the borders of South Vietnam. He also
: worried that Westmoreland might receive
: permission to enter Laos and cut the Ho Chi
: Minh Trail. In January 1967, after
: discussions with Le Duan, Thanh proposed the
: Tet Offensive. Thanh was the senior member
: of the Politburo in South Vietnam. He
: supervised the entire war effort. Thanh's
: struggle philosophy was that "America
: is wealthy but not resolute," and
: "squeeze tight to the American chest
: and attack." He was invited up to Hanoi
: for further discussions. He went on
: commercial flights with a false passport
: from Cambodia to Hong Kong and then to
: Hanoi. Only in July was his plan adopted by
: the leadership. Then Johnson had rejected
: Westmoreland's request for 200,000 more
: troops. We realized that America had made
: its maximum military commitment to the war.
: Vietnam was not sufficiently important for
: the United States to call up its reserves.
: We had stretched American power to a
: breaking point. When more frustration set
: in, all the Americans could do would be to
: withdraw; they had no more troops to send
: over. Tet was designed to influence American
: public opinion. We would attack poorly
: defended parts of South Vietnam cities
: during a holiday and a truce when few South
: Vietnamese troops would be on duty. Before
: the main attack, we would entice American
: units to advance close to the borders, away
: from the cities. By attacking all South
: Vietnam's major cities, we would spread out
: our forces and neutralize the impact of
: American firepower. Attacking on a broad
: front, we would lose some battles but win
: others. We used local forces nearby each
: target to frustrate discovery of our plans.
: Small teams, like the one which attacked the
: U.S. Embassy in Saigon, would be sufficient.
: It was a guerrilla strategy of hit-and-run
: raids.
:
:
: Q: What about the results?
:
:
: A: Our losses were staggering and a complete
: surprise;. Giap later told me that Tet had
: been a military defeat, though we had gained
: the planned political advantages when
: Johnson agreed to negotiate and did not run
: for re-election. The second and third waves
: in May and September were, in retrospect,
: mistakes. Our forces in the South were
: nearly wiped out by all the fighting in
: 1968. It took us until 1971 to re-establish
: our presence, but we had to use North
: Vietnamese troops as local guerrillas. If
: the American forces had not begun to
: withdraw under Nixon in 1969, they could
: have punished us severely. We suffered badly
: in 1969 and 1970 as it was.
:
:
: Q: What of Nixon?
:
:
: A: Well, when Nixon stepped down because of
: Watergate we knew we would win. Pham Van
: Dong [prime minister of North Vietnam] said
: of Gerald Ford, the new president,
: "he's the weakest president in U.S.
: history; the people didn't elect him; even
: if you gave him candy, he doesn't dare to
: intervene in Vietnam again." We tested
: Ford's resolve by attacking Phuoc Long in
: January 1975. When Ford kept American B-52's
: in their hangers, our leadership decided on
: a big offensive against South Vietnam.
:
:
: Q: What else?
:
:
: A: We had the impression that American
: commanders had their hands tied by political
: factors. Your generals could never deploy a
: maximum force for greatest military effect.
:
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